Collage by THE REPUBLIC. Source Ref: Afamefuna Trailer. COME ON NAIJA / YOUTUBE.
the ministry of ARTS / FILM DEPT.
Gender, Áfàméfùnà and the Nwa Boi System
Collage by THE REPUBLIC. Source Ref: Afamefuna Trailer. COME ON NAIJA / YOUTUBE.
the ministry of ARTS / FILM DEPT.
Gender, Áfàméfùnà and the Nwa Boi System
The film, Áfàméfùnà: An Nwa Boi Story, revolves around the titular character played as an adult by Stan Nze, a young man who is to serve as an nwa boi (an apprentice) to a wealthy businessman Odogwu (Kanayo O. Kanayo). It details his relationship with a new best friend, Paulo (Alex Ekubo), and their fallout as they attempt self-actualization through different paths.
Theoretical insights highlighting cultural and social factors that drive entrepreneurial behaviour among the Igbo people abound. The apprenticeship model, embraced and popularized within Igbo culture, traditionally involves sending young men to live with and learn from more established businessmen, usually in urban cities. The system is laden with challenges, including the risks of urban life and potential exploitation. It is organized around strict hierarchies of age and chronological induction. We see this structure when Odogwu tells Afam that Nonso (his ‘head boy’)’s word is law and more forcefully when Afam is sent on an errand by one of the senior boys, who addresses him as ‘last born’. It is also the reason for Paulo’s fury when Afam is offered his freedom before him. The system provides young men the chance to learn a trade, build economic networks, and eventually attain financial and social independence.
MEDIA REPRESENTATION AND GENDER BIAS IN ECONOMIC ROLES
Odogwu welcomes Afam and tells him to keep his eye on the prize, prove himself worthy, and, most importantly, stay away from women. Amaka, Odogwu’s daughter, played by Atlanta Bridget Johnson is introduced soon after—cue slow-motion pan. She is coded as aspirational; she’s the oga’s daughter, light-skinned, which is always desirable. She switches to English from Igbo, so she is educated. Laura Mulvey’s now mainstream and misemployed concept of the male gaze comes into play without guise. We are invited to see Amaka as the ultimate object of desire, as Afam who was a lone stranger minutes ago, is suddenly bound in an archetypal male bonding ritual as old as time with the other apprentices. The apprentices crouch in a corner to gape at the young lady. He is now one of the pack.
When Odogwu’s niece, Nneka, is introduced next, she asks a pertinent question about her uncle’s business that the rest of the film subsequently ignores, ‘Where are all the women?’ To which Odogwu responds, ‘Na omenana anyi, nwanyi anaghi agba boi.’ The film glosses over the invisibility of its women with this glib response. Odogwu’s statement is couched in ethnic masculine pride and ignores the complexities of women’s participation within this economic model. The dialogue and interactions in Áfàméfùnà reflect a broader societal misconception that men are always the primary economic agents. Odogwu’s response to the inquiry about the absence of women in apprenticeships, while simultaneously expressing pride in a man’s ability to do the necessary hard work of providing for his family, underscores an intrinsic gender bias. This bias is further perpetuated by the film’s failure to provide broader context of the apprenticeship system.
HISTORICAL CONTEXTS AND ECONOMIC MOBILITY
The history of the word ‘boy’ as a servant is enmeshed in structures of power that are meant to keep African, Asian, and Indigenous natives in ‘their place’. Male servants were referred to by their European employers as ‘boy’ or ‘houseboy’ even though they were fully grown men in many cases. For local communities, men took on jobs serving colonial masters, as they were entry points towards getting education, social status, financial rewards, and even political power for many families. Servants in many colonial homes were almost exclusively male. Past research points to world wars and economic downturns for the devaluation of domestic service, which became poorly paid and suddenly ‘undermined masculinity.’ In choosing to prioritize men’s positions economically, societies continue to restrict women and their opportunities so that the menial housegirl is a much more ubiquitous term now.
The masculinization of the Igbo apprenticeship model, especially through linguistic calcification —nwa boi—is a fallacy established by the language of colonial history, present-day Igbo notions of masculinity and hypergamy. This system was more commonly referred to in the gender-neutral imu ahia or imu aka oru (to learn a market/handiwork) as boys and girls were sent out to learn trades.
Global powers tackled economic depression and their own ethnic squabbles aggrandized as world wars, which created professional vacuums that women filled. Pre-civil war Igboland recognized education as a conduit to upward mobility through the civil service. Boys in the burgeoning post-independence Nigeria often received preferential access. After the civil war, the Igbos found themselves ostracised from the Nigerian civil service, the military, and more public offices. They fell back on familial links to develop indispensable areas of commerce. Apprenticeships in vocational skills, frequently more affordable than formal education, became the norm for many impoverished families, invariably opening academic avenues for Igbo girls who had previously endured neglect. The results are blatant in the educational statistics that come out of eastern Nigeria, with girls at par and sometimes leading output in eastern Nigeria today.
The feminization of education amongst the Igbos signifies an increase in women’s participation in the workforce and yet reflects the undervaluation of their successes. We see this in the public opinions of professional women who break glass ceilings and innuendos about their rise to the top. Such as the uproar that followed the announcement of Adaora Umeoji as CEO of Zenith Bank. While men are sent out to learn lucrative trades, women often remain in more domestic and less economically empowering roles even after academic feats that make them desirable to men but are often capped after marriages. Instead, women’s education is viewed by the society not as investments towards their financial emancipation but as assets for securing husbands.
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‘AND WHERE ARE ALL THE WOMEN?’
Even as girls suddenly had more access to education, many others participated in a parallel apprenticeship system. Young girls and women are sent to serve in households and businesses. They are expected to learn trades such as tailoring, hairdressing, or other forms of microenterprise. While providing valuable skills, these trades often do not offer the same economic returns or social mobility as those available to their male counterparts. Moreover, the apprenticeship for women is frequently under the control of female employers, ‘madams’ who themselves might be economically dependent on their husbands, thereby perpetuating a cycle of limited economic autonomy. This parallel system fails to expand into networks in the same way that allows their male counterparts to flourish.
In most cases, many families send out their daughters to be ‘house girls’ to reduce the number of mouths that need to be fed instead of investing towards future economic returns. What are housegirls, if not apprentices, in preparation for the terminal jobs as wives and mothers? The status of the housegirl is an appropriate valuation of all that domesticity holds for all women, no matter the class divide.
The categorization of reproductive labour by wives or domestic workers as separate from ‘real’ labour is problematic. Marxist feminist scholars like Angela Davis and sociologists such as Evelyn Nakano Glenn have insisted that the inclusion of the political economy of women in the home, which includes reproducing socio-cultural expectations that feed into the capitalist framework of children as future workers, is the only way to capture an accurate picture of GDP per capita (and yes, this includes sex work). While present-day conversations may attempt to erase the labour of modern Igbo women, it is important to affirm that traditional Igbo women were central to the economic life of their communities, significantly contributing through agriculture, crafts, trade, and various other economic activities.
Odogwu’s response belies the reality that just as families give out their sons to businessmen to undergo hands-on indentured service, many Igbo girls and women go through the same terms of service. The difference is the fact that the economic labour of women is habitually invisible, devalued, or systematically strangled through policies that aim to keep women, especially married women, in their place (see Nigerian labour laws that place limitations on the rights and abilities of women in specific industries).
More forcefully, social constructs and traditions that place women as subordinate to men serve to maintain hierarchies of power. The price of female ambition can be high in the corporate world. In more rural/religious settings, they can range from ostracization, sexual assault, and even death for daring to exist outside of the home.
THE PUBLIC SPHERE AND MODERN IMPLICATIONS
So, the conversation about gender roles is still warranted in the twenty-first century, never more so than in the present, as conversations on social media (here’s looking at you X) frame heterosexual coupling in Nigeria with men as absolute providers despite the evidence to the contrary. While upper-class Nigerian women may not need to work outside their homes, research shows that the women of the ever-dwindling middle class and its inversely expanding lower class trudge alongside their male partners. In a society where the salience of the wife as breadwinner is frowned upon as it is proof of her lack of humility, an attempt to emasculate her partner, and a disruption of the natural order of things, it is no wonder the data on the economic contributions of wives is unavailable.
The narrative unfolding in media portrayals like Áfàméfùnà further underscores this disparity. Women in such narratives are typically portrayed as secondary characters whose primary function is to support or complicate men’s stories, thereby reflecting and perpetuating their restricted economic roles in society. This accounts for Odogwu’s almost prophetic warning to Afam about women: ‘Ị ga-adị careful… nwanyị Lagos ewuru ukwu Brazil mebie ndụ gị,’ be careful… before Lagos women destroy your life with their Brazilian waists.
NGOs trying to close economic inequalities in the global south have singled out women as sites of increased economic possibilities, drawing on their observations of women as successful small business owners. A 2020 article by PWC places women’s entrepreneurship in Nigeria at about 41 per cent, and poverty alleviation programmes have enumerated the constraints affecting female entrepreneurs, such as socio-cultural limitations, home care responsibilities and perhaps most importantly, the lack of a network like that of the men in the ‘nwa boi’ system. Social scientists have detailed women’s barriers, including distance or location, as barriers to welfare programmes (Afam’s mother brings him to Lagos from Onitsha). Others include lack of access to credit, the opportunity cost of losing the labour of a female child in the home versus the investment of boys as future providers for their extended families.
The emancipation offered by the apprenticeships as practised is thus heavily gendered. Men are prepared for economic independence and entrepreneurship, potentially leading to significant social mobility. In contrast, the end of women’s apprenticeship is typically marked by providing a small shop or resources to start their trade without the stakeholder investment that holds up the bois. It is less about creating substantial economic independence and more about transitioning them into another form of domestic economic roles, such as small tuck shops, bukas, hairdressing, tailoring, and other small-scale businesses that may still be attached to the home. Women’s emancipation is often tied to less lucrative and respected sectors that, without mentorship, credit, or networks, rarely transform into substantive economic activities.
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GENDER AND POWER
In Áfàméfùnà, while men are depicted as heirs and legacy bearers, women are relegated to roles that affirm their dependency. This portrayal mirrors and potentially exacerbates the societal undervaluing of women’s economic contributions. When Afam visits Odogwu as an independent man, Odogwu proposes marriage between Afam and Amaka. Like Amaka, the acceptable pathway through which women may attain status is marriage with successful men if they are lucky.
Áfàméfùnà conveniently ignores all the ways that power intersects with gender, our traditions, and class relations. Amaka, as Odogwu’s daughter, is never imbued with the traditional powers an oga’s child would have over servants. She is introduced as an object to be desired and then is presented as a tool that Paulo uses, first as a lover and, perhaps more importantly, a foolish thief. Odogwu advises Afam to be wary of women notoriously framed as harbingers of men’s destruction, yet he fails to protect his daughter from the men with whom he has filled his home.
Amaka is archetypal in the most powerless way: amorous, idealistic, passive, snivelling, and forlorn, with an identity positioned by the men around her. On the one hand, she is not the diabolical Nigerian wife sliding sons into legitimacy with a sly sleight of hand that the manosphere insists is the average Nigerian woman. Instead, she is devoid of actionable will to deprive her husband of certain paternity and the continuation of his lineage. She is ignorant about her actions, not having the foresight (or hindsight) to take care of the implications of sexual relations with her ex-boyfriend Paulo. We have no idea what Amaka studied at university or her professional ambitions. The dialogue points to her helping out her husband’s business. Her character acknowledges the career gap many women who are bred to be wives experience.
This hierarchy of genders that begins within family units with plans for the future economic emancipation of boys while girls remain afterthoughts presents constraints for women who want to or have to provide for themselves and their families. Where access to funding and mentorship is generally limited for many women, they are especially determined or sealed in marriage. What are the economic limitations placed on women once they are married? How are husbands partnering with wives to ease the labour responsibilities at home, which women often shoulder alone? The influence of religious teachings and the irony of the chokehold that patriarchal leanings have to interpellate women into believing their status as second-tier members of society and, in turn, culturally reproduce offspring who continue to place a premium on boys as ‘heirs’ and daughters as ‘helpers’ mean that changing these social norms will be hard-fought.
Despite women accounting for 64 per cent of registrants in the national apprenticeship scheme in 2018, significant barriers prevent them from forming robust business networks similar to those of men. While organizations like Women in Management, Business, and Public Service (WIMBIZ) provide networking platforms for classed Nigerian women, the majority of underprivileged women, who are often relegated to serving others as an economic means, face substantial restrictions in exercising their agency.
The core issue lies in the socio-economic structures that underpin all social relations. These structures revolve around the acknowledgement, exhibition, and wielding of power. Marriage, the smallest political unit, exemplifies this dynamic where financial dominance is crucial. Within this framework, men are encouraged and often expected to be financially superior to their wives, reinforcing their dominant position in the household. This expectation influences all other aspects of their relationships, limiting women’s economic independence and capacity to form influential business networks.
Underprivileged women, in particular, are often constrained by societal norms and economic policies that devalue their labour and restrict their opportunities. These women face significant obstacles in securing the mentorship, credit, and networks necessary for creating and sustaining successful businesses. Thus, the disparity in business networking opportunities is not due to a lack of initiative but is a consequence of deeply entrenched power imbalances.
Gender hierarchies in marriage are exacerbated by financial dominance, closely tied to perceptions of masculinity. Women who challenge this norm by outearning their partners are perceived as stepping outside their femininity and emasculating their spouses. Autonomy and decision-making, particularly regarding one’s body, are linked to economic dominance but regulated by socio-cultural norms. As a result, even when women out-earn their partners, they often feel compelled to defer to their husbands, acknowledging them as the rightful ‘head’ of the household, exposing how tools can be useless in bound hands. Economic freedom is not very liberating for many women constrained by societal expectations of femininity. Despite achieving financial independence, these women often remain bound by cultural norms that dictate traditional gender roles and behaviours, limiting their ability to exercise their autonomy fully.
The film’s crux and fulcrum of tension is Paulo’s blackmail of Afam. Its introductory scenes include the finding of Paulo’s corpse followed by a celebratory scene where Afam is dancing with his son.
Perhaps women’s only power over men has always been the assurance of their parentage over children. This has been a recent hot-button topic in the Nigerian social media public sphere, with many calling for mandatory DNA tests to be administered at birth, a testament to modern heterosexual relations.
Áfàméfùnà, the name, is a plea that reveals the fear of the loss of legacy and continuity—a uniquely male trepidation. It is a name pregnant with the concept of sons as bearers of legacies, heirs, bloodlines, or lineage, exposing the stereotypical Igbo reputation for the preference of male children. Even though this preference is almost global, stories that early Nollywood chose to highlight have cemented the idea as singularly Igbo in the consciousness of Nigerian audiences.
The film emasculates Afam in the eyes of the audience by choosing to disempower him through his progeny. My audience analysis of five Igbo men revealed that men viewed Afam as a ‘simp’. One man suggested that marrying Amaka immediately was enough to make Afam fall into this category. For the other four, though, it was okay and even macho to ‘acquire’ her directly from Paulo. However, they all drew the line at accepting the fruit of that acquisition.
THE MEDIA’S ROLE
Áfàméfùnà reflects society’s prevailing gender biases mirrored in traditional economic systems and the media’s portrayals of women’s financial contributions. The point here is the media’s responsibility in shaping ideologies and societies. Who is telling our stories, and to what end? While Nollywood claims to reflect society, there is undoubtedly a need for prescriptive filmmakers who take on the serious job of fashioning new ways of thinking, expanding the current ways of being, and attempting to influence the smallest units of change within our communities.
For true economic progress, there must be a concerted effort to revise both our cultural practices and the narratives we choose to amplify. This includes recognizing and enhancing women’s roles not just in alternative economic systems but within all aspects of economic development, ensuring they have equal opportunities to thrive as entrepreneurs and financial agents in their own right. It is imperative that women, like their counterparts, are provided the same opportunities to tap into economic, social, and political empowering networks⎈
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