The Dilemma of the Nigerian Food Content Creator

The Dilemma of the Nigerian Food Content Creator

(L-R) Amenze Okeke (Professor of Food), Tolani Tayo-Osikoya (Diary of a Kitchen Lover), Nafisat Abdulsalam (Feesa Everyday). Collage by THE REPUBLIC.

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The Dilemma of the Nigerian Food Content Creator

Food content creation in Nigeria is a booming niche that blends creativity, the cultural diversity in the country, and a global food culture. The scene is however marred by ethnic prejudices and online bullying.
The Dilemma of the Nigerian Food Content Creator

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. Source Ref: Gilbert R. Chagoury receives the Igihango medal from President Kagame, 2017. PAUL KAGAME / FLICKR.

the ministry of cultural affairs

The Dilemma of the Nigerian Food Content Creator

Food content creation in Nigeria is a booming niche that blends creativity, the cultural diversity in the country, and a global food culture. The scene is however marred by ethnic prejudices and online bullying.

Among the numerous discourses that populate social media in Nigeria, food is no stranger. From the beauty that resides in the diversity of Nigerian cuisine, to the culinary messiahship of street food, the flavours and textures that warm one’s heart till it melts, the food combinations that are argued to be top tier, and the needlessness of the experimental recipes in controversial cooking content, one will always find opinions and think pieces on food littered on social media. Despite the looming food scarcity in Nigeria, Nigerians are undeterred to talk about their foods and foodways.

Since the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic, there has been an upswing in social media usage across the world. While people were in their homes observing the lockdown, they turned to social media to connect with the world outside. It also doubled as a tool for entertainment and distraction from the grimness of the situation. Consequently, content creation began to grow. Culinary and other food-centric content creation was among the niches that began to burgeon. This content niche also finds fecundity in Nigeria, particularly, as a country filled with chronically online people to whom food is significant. While the niche mostly shows food bloggers pioneering kitchen trends, experimenting with ingredients, making alternative meals, and introducing hacks that their audiences are inspired to try out, the Nigerian broad online audience base creates room for other uncharted paths like food photography, critiquing, tourism, storytelling, and art.

Unfortunately, this dwelling of culinary creativity would be flawless barring some excrescences. Content creators find themselves being bullied by content consumers for using techniques they consider non-standard when making local Nigerian dishes. It is becoming increasingly common for situations like these to heighten into tribalistic frenzies thanks to the wave of ethnic prejudice that came with the 2023 elections. Many creators’ comment sections have become fairs where chauvinistic social media users trade expletives. Adding the distasteful comments about other people’s local cuisines and food preferences, including the occasional failure of food content creators to put their best ethical feet forward in terms of research and effective communication to the mix, one sees toxicity brimming in this space.

WHEN CONTENT CREATOR BECOMES CONSUMERS’ MEAL

To understand how many Nigerians from one part of the country relate to the cuisine from other parts, one has to question and seek answers to how they react to the unfamiliar. What this looks like is that, in the context of regional cuisines, is the commonness of one Nigerian passing a distasteful comment about another’s local food, whether online or offline.

For Kaduna-based entrepreneur, Amaya, sharing a close relationship with her neighbour didn’t stop the latter from being discourteous when she made her native soup, Miyan Karkashi. Amaya, who’s also from Kaduna, describes Karkashi to be a very greenish soup popular in southern Kaduna. She said: ‘My Igbo neighbour peeped into my plate while I was eating and made a sound like she was about to throw up. Then she said: “Are you eating dog shit mixed with water?”’

When she was a banker in Lagos, Naomi took egusi peppersoup (Igbagba Ikpogiri), a Niger Delta delicacy, to work and her supervisor likened it to vomit. Mariam, a Warri-based social media manager encountered something similar online:

When Warri Coconut rice trended on Twitter, people (who have never eaten it) termed it disgusting and bashed it. I was very disappointed and sad because it’s one of my favourite meals. Now when I make it, I don’t serve it to people who haven’t lived in Delta State.

If there’s one thing Nigerian food documentation, journalism, and the recent growth of food blogging have revealed over the years, it is that even in the expanse of diversity of Nigerian cuisine, there are local delicacies that bear resemblance to one another, only varying according to names, ingredients and/or condiments, and the tactile preferences specific to the different ethnic groups that eat them. Egusi, for instance, is one soup whose origin in Nigeria has often generated controversy and debates between the Yoruba and Igbo ethnic groups especially. This kind of situation has spelt trouble for content creators and regular people sharing recipe videos of their local meals whose variations are eaten in other parts of the country. When Nafisat Abdulsalam, a food vlogger shared the recipe video of Apapa, a meal native to Ebira, her ethnic group, the comment section became divided. While Ebira indigenes shared how much they loved Apapa, the Yoruba, a majority Nigerian ethnic group insisted that the meal was Moin-Moin, a Yoruba dish sharing most key ingredients with Apapa, except that the beans used in its own preparation requires peeling and smooth blending.

The ethnic design of a few majority and many more minority groups in Nigeria sometimes translates to more being known about larger groups than smaller ones especially as the former’s populations are often situated in Nigeria’s famed urban cities. In the context of food, the recipe of one dish as it is prepared in one culture may become mainstream, thereby relegating the variants of other ‘minority’ cultures.

Nigerian food historian and culinary anthropologist, Ozoz Sokoh gives context to this by pointing out that there are levels of food culture in Nigeria which range from national to regional—from the northern, eastern, western, and southern parts of the country—to subregional food cultures. She told me:

With these three or more levels of food culture, some people only know the national dishes and may not know more about others. So sometimes one thinks that because they’ve learned of a dish in a particular way, that’s the totality of it.

This extends to another way food content creators face the wrath of Nigerians relating to the unfamiliar which is when they prepare meals from other Nigerian ethnic groups outside theirs. This is exemplified in the experience of one of Nigeria’s leading food content creators, Tolani Tayo-Osikoya (Diary of Kitchen Lover). On one occasion after posting an Okazi recipe video, she shared that she had to disable the post’s comment section which began to overflow with mean remarks from enraged viewers who insisted that the soup was a non-standard version as it was missing key ingredients.

Oftentimes, when a creator’s comment section is overrun like this by people who spot an alteration in the recipe of their local dishes and are moved to protect their culture, it is done without the consideration that the creator’s version could belong to another subgroup within that culture, given its multilayered setup. This then leads to clashes among subgroups within the ethnic group in question.

The prevalence of this has made it a commonly discussed topic amongst food content creators. Tayo-Osikoya, alongside her cooking content, makes videos on the differences in cooking techniques and why it shouldn’t be grounds for harsh criticism. Addressing the incessant attacks on food bloggers for making meals in non-standard ways especially when they’re cooking outside their ethnic groups, Amenze Okeke, a Nigerian culinary expert also contested the rigidity of cooking and explained that culinary experimentation isn’t always bad.

TRACING THE HISTORICAL RELATIONSHIP

Although the Lebanese presence in Nigeria became more visible in the latter half of the twentieth century, the migration trajectory predates Nigeria’s ‘formation’ or the amalgamation of northern and southern protectorates in 1914. It reportedly began in the late 19th century with the arrival of Ilyas al-Khuri, a Maronite from Miziara in northern Lebanon in the 1890s. Other early migrants, such as Assad Yusuf and Ilyas Minaise, also stood out as early economic migrants traversing in search of a better life. Reports indicate that Lebanese families primarily began emigrating from the villages of Miziara and Jwaya after Ilyas al-Khuri settled in Lagos.

Several lines of enquiry arise from this history. Why did these Lebanese migrants choose to migrate to what later became Nigeria—particularly during a period when it was a relatively unknown British colonial protectorate? What characterizes the commercial and politico-economic dynamics of Lebanese migration to Nigeria? And what continues to pull Lebanese migrants to settle in Nigeria today? These questions have been subject to much scholarly attention, including by political scientist Bayly Winder in his 1962 article on the Lebanese in West Africa and Nigerian historian Toyin Falola in his 1990 article entitled Lebanese Traders in Southwestern Nigeria, 1900-1960.

Peculiarly, it has been suggested by scholars that some migrants may have in fact intended to reach America but were deceived by shipping agents in Marseilles, ending up on ships bound for Dakar or St. Louis in Senegal. Others may have knowingly headed towards West Africa, unable to meet the strict criteria for United States (US) migration or lacking sufficient funds to cross the Atlantic. Having collected funds from their often-poor families in the hope of sending back remittances upon reaching the ‘New World’, they were not ready to return home empty-handed.

Falola has also highlighted poverty, the quest for survival, underdevelopment, as well as political and religious tensions as factors driving early Lebanese migrants. He argues that—rather than their arrival in West Africa being an accident—these originally US-destined migrants, having transited already in Marseille and Egypt, were rather deliberately detoured and attracted to West Africa due to inexpensive fares and ease of entry, having no need for a passport at the time.

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NIGERIAN FOOD CULTURE AND THE CREATOR’S GUIDE

The ‘Buchymix generation’ or chefs as coined on X (from Buchymix, an American kitchen appliance brand popular for its high-powered blenders and food processors that encourage culinary innovations) embodies culinary experimentations in the Nigerian social media space. Exempting unrealistic recipes and inedible meals with rage-baiting food content, there’s no doubt that Nigerian cuisine is currently in a phase of evolution where cooks are using ingredients in non-traditional ways for different reasons. Culinary content creators are exploring the country’s cuisine, teaching their audience how to make them, and introducing kitchen trends and hacks. Chefs are connecting different cultures together through fusion foods, while food businesses—restaurants, online vendors, street food vendors—are either setting food trends or creating recipes that afford them exclusivity and aid their competition. The elevation of the regular puff-puff by online food business, Yellow Plate, is an example. Home cooks are either trying out recipes from their favourite content creators for a change or also seeking familiar tastes in ingredients that can serve as substitutes when they cannot access the original. This is particularly common to Nigerians living abroad or outside their hometowns.

Nigerian culinary expert and nutritionist, Iquo Ukoh, exemplifies how Lagos inhabitants (who migrated to the city) make certain substitutions to (their) local dishes because they can’t get exactly the same ingredients which are abundant in those locations where those meals originated from and not because they intend to be disrespectful to the cultures. She said:

Customarily, cocoyam leaves are used to make Ekpang Nkukwo, but for someone who migrated from Calabar to Lagos who wants to eat it but can’t find cocoyam leaves, you use spinach to wrap the cocoyam. I once used lettuce to wrap it and I got a similar taste profile.

The availability of advanced kitchen equipment that creates ease is also contributing to the migration from traditional cooking methods. One sees mixers used in place of ọmọrogún in the preparation of Amala and mashers or blenders for pounded yam in place of a mortar and a pestle. Most of these culinary explorations seen on social media show creative means of achieving various kitchen goals being assisted by technology. The result of this is a propelled Nigerian food culture.

The food content creators, who are more famed for driving this change, sometimes share a shortcoming that unites them with the average Nigerians consuming their content: the lack of respect when dealing with local delicacies outside their cultures. On this, Sokoh believes that the food creator has a certain amount of responsibility, journalistic ethics, and communication skills that they must put in place before it gets to the audience.

When you want to tell the story about a community that’s not yours, you must approach it with respect. I’m a huge fan of changing recipes. That’s part of my new Nigerian kitchen philosophy, which is exploring old and familiar ingredients in new ways. But the anchor must be the origin story. When content creators are going to be doing something that is out of the ordinary, like making a version of Afang with onions, contextualising it to say which is the original is important. I think one of the problems is that people are making new versions and are giving them the old names.

Since there’s no undoing the social and cultural development that is sweeping the world, food creators cannot be halted on the path of creativity. According to Ukoh, the culture train is moving and it is difficult to hold back that evolution. In this case, what matters the most is not if content creators are making dishes indigenous to Nigerian ethnic groups as it is originally done, but if the main ingredient is present.

Another part of respecting people’s cultures through their foods as a food content creator includes effective communication when critiquing or sharing an opinion. According to Sokoh:

Respect, knowledge, use of language, and communication skills are essential for anyone who does audience-facing work in food. Being a social media sensation should be secondary to being somebody who’s educating people and communicating effectively. We can’t take digs at any part of people’s cultural identity or rubbish people’s food based on our limited palates and not expect a revolt.

Employing sensory exploration to describe a dish or dining experience, according to her, makes a difference. The food critic or anyone who’s describing such an experience should involve their visual, olfactory, gustatory, auditory and even tactile senses when interacting with the food and its ways. It is important to take note of what (foods) they might be comparing such dishes against to give context on what they think is missing from it. This includes conducting research to make informed claims. All these are contained under the personal responsibility of effectively communicating their opinion politely. Sokoh said:

You can’t just say ‘I don’t like this food, this food is rubbish, this culture doesn’t have soup.’ Instead of ‘this Igbo soup or ila alasepo is horrible,’ say ‘I’m not fully able to fully appreciate the flavours or texture yet because I haven’t had much experience or haven’t tried many soups as this.’

CONTRADICTIONS AND COMPLEXITIES

While Lebanese migrants in Nigeria have received considerable attention, the same cannot be said for Nigerian migrants in Lebanon, despite them numbering around 5,000 in population. The limited narrations of their experiences are conversely overwhelmingly bleak. In May 2020, over 50 trafficked Nigerian women were rescued from Lebanon and returned to Nigeria after a Nigerian maid was put up for sale on Facebook for $1,000. The United Nations revealed in 2022 that thousands of African women, including Nigerians, are trafficked to Lebanon each year.

This disparity in the relative experiences of Nigerians and Lebanese in their differential contexts is under-studied—but on the surface, it can at least be gathered that the dire economic conditions, political turmoil, and lack of opportunities that have historically driven the Lebanese to seek better lives abroad, may also deter Nigerians from migrating to Lebanon. There is also no evidence of Nigerians holding dual Lebanese citizenship, unlike many Lebanese who hold dual Nigerian citizenship.

Additionally, while it is important to recognize the instances of outsized commercial successes among Lebanese Nigerians, it is equally vital not to generalize. For example, although their numbers have decreased, many Lebanese in Kano largely engage in menial retail businesses in Kwari Market or run small to medium-sized restaurants. This speaks to the diversity of personal and professional occupations and circumstances among the diaspora community.

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GENDER AND POWER

In Áfàméfùnà, while men are depicted as heirs and legacy bearers, women are relegated to roles that affirm their dependency. This portrayal mirrors and potentially exacerbates the societal undervaluing of women’s economic contributions. When Afam visits Odogwu as an independent man, Odogwu proposes marriage between Afam and Amaka. Like Amaka, the acceptable pathway through which women may attain status is marriage with successful men if they are lucky. 

Áfàméfùnà conveniently ignores all the ways that power intersects with gender, our traditions, and class relations. Amaka, as Odogwu’s daughter, is never imbued with the traditional powers an oga’s child would have over servants. She is introduced as an object to be desired and then is presented as a tool that Paulo uses, first as a lover and, perhaps more importantly, a foolish thief. Odogwu advises Afam to be wary of women notoriously framed as harbingers of men’s destruction, yet he fails to protect his daughter from the men with whom he has filled his home. 

Amaka is archetypal in the most powerless way: amorous, idealistic, passive, snivelling, and forlorn, with an identity positioned by the men around her. On the one hand, she is not the diabolical Nigerian wife sliding sons into legitimacy with a sly sleight of hand that the manosphere insists is the average Nigerian woman. Instead, she is devoid of actionable will to deprive her husband of certain paternity and the continuation of his lineage. She is ignorant about her actions, not having the foresight (or hindsight) to take care of the implications of sexual relations with her ex-boyfriend Paulo. We have no idea what Amaka studied at university or her professional ambitions. The dialogue points to her helping out her husband’s business. Her character acknowledges the career gap many women who are bred to be wives experience. 

This hierarchy of genders that begins within family units with plans for the future economic emancipation of boys while girls remain afterthoughts presents constraints for women who want to or have to provide for themselves and their families. Where access to funding and mentorship is generally limited for many women, they are especially determined or sealed in marriage. What are the economic limitations placed on women once they are married? How are husbands partnering with wives to ease the labour responsibilities at home, which women often shoulder alone? The influence of religious teachings and the irony of the chokehold that patriarchal leanings have to interpellate women into believing their status as second-tier members of society and, in turn, culturally reproduce offspring who continue to place a premium on boys as ‘heirs’ and daughters as ‘helpers’ mean that changing these social norms will be hard-fought. 

Despite women accounting for 64 per cent of registrants in the national apprenticeship scheme in 2018, significant barriers prevent them from forming robust business networks similar to those of men. While organizations like Women in Management, Business, and Public Service (WIMBIZ) provide networking platforms for classed Nigerian women, the majority of underprivileged women, who are often relegated to serving others as an economic means, face substantial restrictions in exercising their agency. 

The core issue lies in the socio-economic structures that underpin all social relations. These structures revolve around the acknowledgement, exhibition, and wielding of power. Marriage, the smallest political unit, exemplifies this dynamic where financial dominance is crucial. Within this framework, men are encouraged and often expected to be financially superior to their wives, reinforcing their dominant position in the household. This expectation influences all other aspects of their relationships, limiting women’s economic independence and capacity to form influential business networks. 

Underprivileged women, in particular, are often constrained by societal norms and economic policies that devalue their labour and restrict their opportunities. These women face significant obstacles in securing the mentorship, credit, and networks necessary for creating and sustaining successful businesses. Thus, the disparity in business networking opportunities is not due to a lack of initiative but is a consequence of deeply entrenched power imbalances. 

Gender hierarchies in marriage are exacerbated by financial dominance, closely tied to perceptions of masculinity. Women who challenge this norm by outearning their partners are perceived as stepping outside their femininity and emasculating their spouses. Autonomy and decision-making, particularly regarding one’s body, are linked to economic dominance but regulated by socio-cultural norms. As a result, even when women out-earn their partners, they often feel compelled to defer to their husbands, acknowledging them as the rightful ‘head’ of the household, exposing how tools can be useless in bound hands. Economic freedom is not very liberating for many women constrained by societal expectations of femininity. Despite achieving financial independence, these women often remain bound by cultural norms that dictate traditional gender roles and behaviours, limiting their ability to exercise their autonomy fully.  

The film’s crux and fulcrum of tension is Paulo’s blackmail of Afam. Its introductory scenes include the finding of Paulo’s corpse followed by a celebratory scene where Afam is dancing with his son. 

Perhaps women’s only power over men has always been the assurance of their parentage over children. This has been a recent hot-button topic in the Nigerian social media public sphere, with many calling for mandatory DNA tests to be administered at birth, a testament to modern heterosexual relations. 

Áfàméfùnà, the name, is a plea that reveals the fear of the loss of legacy and continuity—a uniquely male trepidation. It is a name pregnant with the concept of sons as bearers of legacies, heirs, bloodlines, or lineage, exposing the stereotypical Igbo reputation for the preference of male children. Even though this preference is almost global, stories that early Nollywood chose to highlight have cemented the idea as singularly Igbo in the consciousness of Nigerian audiences.  

The film emasculates Afam in the eyes of the audience by choosing to disempower him through his progeny. My audience analysis of five Igbo men revealed that men viewed Afam as a ‘simp’. One man suggested that marrying Amaka immediately was enough to make Afam fall into this category. For the other four, though, it was okay and even macho to ‘acquire’ her directly from Paulo. However, they all drew the line at accepting the fruit of that acquisition. 

REVIVING AND PRESERVING FOOD AND CULTURE

‘Má kán’jú tu Olú Ọrán, torí igba ẹ̀ kò tó sè l’ọ́bẹ̀.’ Saying this proverb was my mother’s way of checking my ever-eager self and occasional impetuous actions as a young child. I roughly translated it as: ‘Do not uproot Olú Ọrán in haste because two hundred of it is not sufficient in a pot of soup.’ And while I understood it as a proverb aimed at discouraging rashness, I didn’t know what Olú Ọrán was, so my efforts in dissecting its literal meaning were abortive until recently when I discovered that it is one of the many kinds of mushrooms that Yoruba people love and make soups with. This revelation came from an Instagram post of Yoruba language enthusiast and historian, Tayo Bello, shedding light on the kinds of soups and dishes that exist in the Yoruba repertoire.

Mushrooms—existing in different sizes, tastes, textures, and species, called olú in Yoruba, are popular ingredients in the meals, medicine, and mythology of the Yoruba people as asserted by Nigerian botanist, B.A. Oso, in his 1975 paper, ‘Mushrooms and the Yoruba People of Nigeria. Olú Orán (termite mushroom) is particularly desired for its sweetness and its tiny size and frailty is why caution is advised when plucking it. The proverb that features this mushroom highlights the Yoruba reverence for patience as the best character (sùúrù, baba ìwà). According to Yoruba mythology, Olú Orán is named after a woman called Orán who is believed to be the source of the mushroom due to her disobedience. She had refused to follow the rites prescribed by Ọ̀rúnmìlà, the Yoruba god of wisdom and the grand priest of Ifa, to solve her problem of childlessness and so began to have these mushrooms as offspring instead of children as a consequence. This indicates that there are lots of cultural elements and significance tied to food in culture. To lose these foods, along with the ways, would mean losing lores, linguistic elements, tradition, history, and even cultural identity.

Bello’s post (which was in collaboration with food critic, Opeyemi Famakin) was triggered by a common statement that Yoruba cuisine isn’t rich in soups, which I grew up hearing even among fellow Yoruba people (in Lagos and Ibadan). I also once believed this since the Yoruba soups we ate in my house were a routine of Ewedu (abula, sometimes), Okro, Egusi, and Efo Riro–vegetable soups mainly Ṣọkọ, Tẹ̀tẹ̀, and Arówójẹjà (also known as efo green). While the post exists as a model answer to counter such claims, it reveals that our indigenous Nigerian cuisine, along with our culinary traditions might be eroding because we’re no longer cooking our foods as much. When more people are encouraged to cook their local foods and they have no prior knowledge of how they’re prepared, so they have to rely on food content creators who are making variants or altered versions while presenting it as the ultimate or not referencing the original, does it not open the foods to the risk of erasure, thereby leaving its source cultures charred?

One core part of food globalization, which the Nigerian content creator also contributes to, is that certain foods and food cultures that are (or used to be) identified with specific places are finding their ways to other parts of the world to settle making it possible for people to explore new tastes and culinary traditions. Nigeria is not exempted from this. The popularity of shawarma as a street food in the country and its modifications to adapt to the Nigerian palate is an example. As Yemisi Aribisala stated in her book, Longthroat Memoirs: Soups, Sex, and Nigerian Taste Buds, being Nigerian is acquiring and owning something, changing its face and giving it an entirely new personality that it might look the same but it never is. This also holds true for delicacies within the country as they travel around from their source locations to the creator’s kitchen and then to people’s homes. How then can the original remain untouched and untainted to preserve the culture it’s coming from and for ones who might wish to maintain it? Ozoz Sokoh recommends the documentation of these dishes in their original states. She said:

Documentation, materials that can be referenced, remembered and recalled, is a key part of preserving the legacy of recipes. Things are going to change through time, but if we document generation by generation, we will be able to map those changes in the foodways, in trade, in ingredients, in methods and techniques and more. For instance, I can say, through referenced works, what Jollof rice in 1910 was versus what it is today.

For Sokoh, documentations could be recipes catalogued in cookbooks, museums, exhibition spaces, oral accounts and even repositories. While social media can be considered a repository in which the documentation of this current stage of food (culture) evolution in Nigeria is taking place, the importance of food historians can’t be overstated. She explained:

These (Nigerian food historians) are the people who can remind us collectively of our origin stories. Their works remind us what the original recipes are so we can go in and create these new contemporary versions, while establishing the historical accounts of what, at least for our generation, exists out of the traditional and classic meals. The reason people fight for their cultures valiantly is because it’s essential and one of the ways that we protect it is by preserving it. This proves that it existed in a particular form or format even if it’s subjected to change. Then, we can mark the changes, understand the changes, that moment that brought about the changes.

To achieve all these recommendations through documentation, it’s important that we individually and collectively show interest in preserving our food culture and ways. It’s important that people seek out history, ask questions, and open their minds to receiving answers, just as it is for the government to show interest as culture is never upheld by one person or a set of people. She said:

The Ministry of Information and Culture could spearhead some kind of repository or proper form of documentation. It’s a multilayered approach that involves all from farmers to traders, people in film, audio, photography, communications etc. It also involves research and in all, baselines that are minimum standards, such as fundamentally respecting people in a culture, using language that isn’t inciting, and being clear about distinguishing opinions from facts.

Protecting our foods and by extension, cultures, from being eroded can’t be achieved by bullying content creators who prepare them in other ways than they’re being originally made. It is better to accept that once a delicacy leaves its source culture, it becomes subject to change at its landing site, and focus on properly documenting food and foodways in their original forms. This, however, doesn’t excuse content creators from telling food stories and sharing local food recipes with respect. Weighing on the negative comments her local recipe content attracts, Tayo-Osikoya recently started a series, ‘Market Series with Chef T’ in which market women share the original recipes of their local dishes with her. While demanding respect such as this from content creators, each Nigerian should also learn to extend the same courtesy when they come in contact with foods from other parts of the country or world⎈

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