Madagascar’s Promising Asia–Pacific Strategy

Madagascar

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. President of Madagascar, Andry Rajoelina. Ref 1: Kigali Memorial / FLICKR. Ref 2: AfDB / FLICKR. Ref 3: LAURENT BLEVENNEC / ELYSÉE. Ref 4: CROZET-POUTEAU / ILO.

THE MINISTRY OF WORLD AFFAIRS

Madagascar’s Promising Asia–Pacific Strategy

The growing importance of the Indo-Pacific region in global strategizing amid increasing economic globalization and maritimization of trade has prompted Madagascar to deepen its relationships with Asian countries such as China, Japan and South Korea.
Madagascar

Photo illustration by Dami Mojid / THE REPUBLIC. President of Madagascar, Andry Rajoelina. Ref 1: Kigali Memorial / FLICKR. Ref 2: AfDB / FLICKR. Ref 3: LAURENT BLEVENNEC / ELYSÉE. Ref 4: CROZET-POUTEAU / ILO.

THE MINISTRY OF WORLD AFFAIRS

Madagascar’s Promising Asia–Pacific Strategy

The growing importance of the Indo-Pacific region in global strategizing amid increasing economic globalization and maritimization of trade has prompted Madagascar to deepen its relationships with Asian countries such as China, Japan and South Korea.

Madagascar, the fourth largest island in the world, is located east of Africa in the Indian Ocean, and has a unique and long-standing history of engagement with the Asia–Pacific. It has been both a land of migration since the seventh century and an interface zone where the mixing of populations of diverse origins prevails at the heart of the ‘globalization of the Old World.’ Such links endure today, taking various political, economic and cultural forms. In addition, the elevated standing of the Indo-Pacific in global strategic thinking has steered Madagascar to turn a little more towards this new centre of the world. Partly, this is due to economic globalization, the maritimization of trade and the development of Asian countries, including the rise of China and India. 

The strategic centrality of this area is mediated by the waters of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, which form a single connected maritime whole. This notion of connectivity and interdependence of maritime flows, as well as the importance accorded to maritime security and freedom of navigation, are at the heart of various Indo-Pacific visions. As such, although Madagascar lacks an articulated strategy for this regional position that it occupies, recent statements by the minister of foreign affairs, Rafaravavitafika Rasata, indicate that this position is one Madagascar wishes to take advantage of, particularly with regard to the eastern part of the world. Faithful to its tradition of all-out diplomacy and non-alignment, Madagascar maintains fairly balanced relations with China, India, Japan, South Korea and Indonesia. In terms of trade, Madagascar’s main export countries in 2024 were the European Union (25 per cent) and the United States (11 per cent), followed by three Asian countries; namely Japan (8 per cent), South Korea (8 per cent) and China (7 per cent). This economic reality corroborates Madagascar’s desire to orient its policy towards the Eastern Hemisphere.

A CONTINUED STRENGTHENING OF CHINESE PRESENCE

Madagascar’s relationship with China is long-standing, with a mixed presence of old and new migrants dating back to the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the 1990s. The Sino-Malagasy populace constitute the largest foreign community in Madagascar (a little over 100,000 people), even ahead of the French (16,000) and Indo-Pakistani (15,000) communities. Malagasy–Chinese diplomatic relations date back to the eve of Madagascar’s independence, with the opening of a consulate in 1958, which became a full-fledged embassy in 1960. This relationship was strengthened by the denunciation of diplomatic relationship with Taipei in 1998 and experienced significant development that was demonstrated by repeated visits by high-level officials, and through Madagascar’s participation in the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) meetings. China has occupied the rank of Madagascar’s main trading partner since 2015. It is Madagascar’s leading Asian supplier and its third largest Asian customer; mainly for nickel, which accounts for one-third of its imports. 

Through the Export-Import Bank of China, China stands out as one of the main bilateral creditors of Madagascar’s public sector. Chinese companies are well established in the country in promising sectors; including construction and public works, mining, hydrocarbons, cash crops, agro-industry, forestry, fishing and textiles, and are expanding in the telecommunications and energy sectors. In addition, economic exchanges are strengthened thanks to a measure exempting 98 per cent of Malagasy articles from Chinese customs duties since December 2023. Malagasy–Chinese relations cover both civil and military dimensions, as Madagascar occupies an essential place in China’s Belt and Road Initiative, particularly in its maritime component. 

As part of its soft power strategy, China has established several Confucius Institutes across the country; examples include Antananarivo (2008), Fianarantsoa (2010)—the main city in the centre of Madagascar—and Tamatave (2014), the first port of Madagascar. China also organizes study and training trips for civilians and military personnel due to it being a destination country for trafficking in Malagasy natural resources, particularly given Madagascar’s position as a key trafficking hub in the Indian Ocean. In this regard, the two countries have established military cooperation, particularly in the context of maritime security, in order to combat piracy, among other things. Joint military exercises are also being organized. 

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REVITALIZED JAPANESE COOPERATION

Having established formal diplomatic relations upon Madagascar’s independence in 1960, Japan and Madagascar celebrated 64 years of their relationship in 2024, marked by the first visit in history of a Japanese minister of foreign affairs—Yōko Kamikawa—to Madagascar in April 2024, with a view to strengthening bilateral ties. The Madagascar–Japan relationship dates to much older times, with the Malagasy elites of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries drawing inspiration from Japan’s melding of tradition and modernity in what they considered to be an ideal model for a modern independent state. This would later inspire the contours of Malagasy nationalism during colonization, in light of the Japanese victory over Russia in 1904. 

The Second World War further saw the regime in place in French Madagascar (under General Armand Annet) form closer ties with France’s Vichy regime (headed by Marshal Philippe Pétain) and support the administrations in Nazi Germany and Japan. As a result, Madagascar became a battlefield, with its waterfront attracting military base ambitions from Japan following Japan’s conquest of south-east Asia in February 1942 and the movement of its submarines into the Indian Ocean. The Axis powers—led by Germany and Italy in addition to Japan—also wished to use Madagascar as a rear base for their expansionist policies, particularly in the strategic south-west Indian Ocean region. This led the British and South Africans to launch Operation Ironclad in May 1942 in Diego Suarez (renamed Antsiranana in 1975), during which Japanese submarines intervened in support of France; this ended in victory for the Allied powers in September 1945. A monument was erected at Pointe Corail in Diego Suarez in 1972 to jointly memorialize the two Japanese soldiers that perished—as well as to cement eternal cordial and friendly relations between Madagascar and Japan, with a view to working for peace in the world. 

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Today, Japan considers Madagascar a key partner in realizing its vision of a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’, as issued at its sixth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) in Nairobi in 2016, due to the island’s central position between Africa and the Indo-Pacific. Madagascar, moreover, actively participates in Japan’s triennial TICAD summit and will seek to further strengthen its strategic cooperation at TICAD 9 later this year in August 2025. As mutual maritime nations, engagement between Japan and Madagascar includes collaboration on maritime safety and security, as well as the maintenance of a free, open, and rule-of-law-based nautical order. 

Japan has been contributing to the expansion project of Madagascar’s main port, located in Toamasina on the eastern coast, since 2018 and planned for completion in 2026. The project is co-financed by the Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Malagasy government and is intended to strengthen maritime connectivity, making this port a key hub in the region, capable of assuming a role in the redistribution of goods in the Indian Ocean. In addition, Japan also considers Madagascar a major partner in economic security. This is reflected in Japan’s involvement in Madagascar’s most important mining (nickel and cobalt) project, Ambatovy. The mining enterprise is controlled at 54.17 per cent by Japan’s Sumitomo Corporation against the 45.83 per cent by South Korea’s KOMIR (the Korea Mine Rehabilitation and Mineral Resources Corporation). The Ambatovy project remains strategic, despite a drop in world prices of nickel and cobalt; it represents the largest foreign investment ever made in the country and accounts for almost one-third of Madagascar’s export earnings. 

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SOUTH KOREA’S RETURN THROUGH THE FRONT DOOR

Madagascar’s relations with South Korea were first established in 1962, but soon fractured in 1972 with the arrival of revolutionaries close to the Eastern bloc—manifested in a rapprochement with North Korea during Madagascar’s Second Republic (which began in 1975 and lasted until 1992). During this period, Madagascar was distinctly inspired by the ideas of ‘Djoutché’ or ‘Juche’—the state ideology of North Korea. The country’s Iavoloha Presidential Palace was also built by the North Koreans for free in the 1970s. The end of Madagascar’s Second Republic marked the return of relations with South Korea, concretized by the opening of a Korean embassy in Antananarivo in 2016. 

However, South Korea has been poorly perceived in Malagasy public opinion due to the land-grabbing project initiated by the South Korean company, Daewoo, covering more than one million hectares for the cultivation of cereals intended for the Korean market in 2008. This triggered demonstrations contesting the project with regard to the sacredness of Madagascar lands, which cannot be ceded to foreigners. The rationale behind the project was in the primarily economic nature of South Korea’s presence in Africa; its own inability to ensure self-sufficiency in food has driven it to buy lands in other regions of the world. Since then, Madagascar’s collaboration with South Korea—which aims to position itself as a ‘global pivot state’—has expanded beyond the mining sector to include health, energy, infrastructure, agriculture, education and culture. 

Following the lead of other ‘non-traditional’ partners active on the continent—beginning with Japan’s TICAD in 1993—South Korea organized its inaugural Korea–Africa summit in June 2024. Madagascar’s participation concluded with the signing of a memorandum for enhanced cooperation in the field of critical minerals (rare earths, cobalt, graphite, lithium), which are constituent elements of the green and digital economy, and in rice cultivation. Like other countries, Madagascar is a central country in South Korea’s Indo-Pacific vision, given its strategic geographical positioning. Collaborations in the field of maritime security and safety are initiated through support for customs and the army; while South Korea’s soft power also comes to life through the teaching of the Korean language, the granting of scholarships for students and civil servants and the promotion of K-culture. 

Amid increasing competition in the Indo-Pacific, Madagascar is trying to play a more proactive role while facing growing appetites from regional and extra-regional countries for its strategic resources. Its geostrategic position arouses great political interest to the extent that Madagascar has had to implement a range of multilateral diplomacy initiatives to navigate these partnerships. However, such efforts notably still lack clarity and visibility in a more fragile and fractured multipolar world, partly due to the absence of a strategic document such as a foreign policy charter

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