It can be argued that this ‘divine right to rule’ was only simply a façade designed to help keep people in line. After all, most monarchies saw elected kingmakers choose from eligible princes in royal households. And, in some cases, these thrones were even seized by force. For example, in 1894, the emirate was under the control of the sultanate in Sokoto, and the sultan named Mohammed Tukur as the new emir instead of any of the four sons of the recently deceased emir. Aliyu Babba gained control of the emirate after a series of costly wars, proving that a monarch could assume control after conquest, rather than through a divine mandate. Traditional leaders no longer have the ability or the space to expand their territories or wage wars, which makes them strictly and sorely dependent on an appointing authority. 

A major evolution in the relationship between rulers and the ruled was the change in how legitimate citizens saw these leaders. As kingdoms become subservient to the crown, and then political offices, it has become necessary to review the role that they play in societies. This is not limited to Nigeria—there are increasing republican movements across the world, even in the United Kingdom, where the ascension of Charles III as king to succeed the long-lived Elizabeth II has seen several calls for a review of the British royal family. 

The oft-cited case for traditional rulers is their role as custodians of our culture and defenders of our historical values. But are these values really as unique or isolated as they once were? For example, if we cite traditional worship and the pre-eminence of the different deities we worship, can that really be valid if many of the kings openly worship a Christian or Islamic God? In the case of northern emirs, there is the case that there is a fairly theocratic element to their rule, especially in the case of the sultan of Sokoto and the emir of Kano who lead the religious sects, Qaddriya and Tijanniya. respectively. But most non-Islamic monarchies openly accept and worship a Christian God—and primacy there is still in the hands of prelates and pastors and not these traditional leaders. 

If we are to move to the question of cultural activities, the question is if significant funds are needed to fund docents who live in elaborate palaces. After all, the practices and traditions are often well-known and documented and in practice can be done by a designated official every time. Similarly, most palaces that host the stories of these great kingdoms of old have increasingly become Ship of Theseus experiments—if there have been enough rebuilds and repaints, at what point is this still the same palace that held ancient histories? If several art and historical artefacts are still held in museums around the world, to what extent has the presence of any old throne helped in making a substantial case for their permanent return? 

Some have argued, perhaps myopically, that these actions can only happen in areas where leadership is more politicized and where leaders are a bit more radical and not mindful of the powers that their leaders have. While this piece has focused on Kano, we can see the lack of an Alaafin in Oyo and court cases brought against the Ooni of Ife. It took 36 years since Rimi’s move against Ado Bayero, but Ganduje similarly made a move against Sanusi II. Similarly, a reported plot to dethrone the sultan made the rounds and even led to Vice-President Kashim Shettima issuing a thinly veiled threat, in June 2024, against the Sokoto State government, which has itself pushed back. It only takes one governor, mindful of the powers reposed in them by the constitution, to make a similar move and it will not matter where or who. Malumfashi agrees saying that ‘at this rate, it seems every governor might decide to come with their own set of traditional rulers and do away with the existing if they have a sour relationship.’

If traditional leaders are surely now in the category of appointees who serve ‘at the pleasure’ of a governor or president, then what do they get in return and why are they different? Perhaps the question lies in the acknowledgment that our politics is still at an infant stage and in need of a space where leaders can be spoken to truthfully. At their best, traditional leaders are elder statesmen able to traverse the political divide and help bridge the gap in a way that political affiliations can deny. Also, while the time will come when few people remember the weight of former kings and queens in the pre-independence era and their ability to speak truth to the colonial authority, many still do remember and associate their rulers with that aura and authority. As a result, traditional rulers still remain the embodiment of leadership in a country desperately in need. They may not have the powers to follow through with what they know, but they can play a key role in helping to move the needle forward and help ensure a steadier relationship between the citizens and their public servants. Finally, these leaders may not have the divine right to rule, but people across different divides provide legitimacy through their interaction and acceptance of these leaders. It can be argued that monarchs who are unable to serve their people can easily be dispensed with and the many relatively stable democracies do show that there is still a class of leadership being dispensed.

In the series finale of HBO’s Game of Thrones, it is remarked that few things unite a people than a good story. These kingdoms, and their thrones, provide this in ample quantity. The defiant, historical protestations of Jaja of Opobo or Kosoko in Lagos, who would later be exiled for daring to defy the crown, are examples of a proud people pushing back against oppression. The ancient kingdoms of Benin, Bornu, Oyo and Sokoto speak of historical territories led well, and the more egalitarian monarchies in Igboland also show how ancient lands that form present-day Nigeria were able to govern effectively before the advent of Western democracy. In its own way, it also points to the way forward that citizens can find ways to ensure good and accountable governance. 

In a not-so-distant future, there will be questions asked about the relevance of Nigeria’s many monarchies, the weight they have on the public purse and their continued existence in an era where they are more dependent on a political ally than the right to rule. But that day is not in 2024, with its different challenges and a country still more divided than ever before. For citizens to live in a Nigeria that can reach that moment, it will require all the wisdom and expertise Nigeria has. In the custodians of our culture, there is a last line of defence⎈