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The Republic V3, N1 Race and Identity in the Modern World
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The Republic V4, N1 Chinua Achebe's Prophetic Vision
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The Republic V4, N2 The Nigerian Dream
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The Republic V4, N4 #EndSARS and the Makings of a Historical Movement.
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A magazine and platform centring Nigeria and Africa in the world’s most critical social, economic and political issues. #ReadSomethingAfrican
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'Things Fall Apart' — Chinua Achebe w/@jesusands

'Things Fall Apart' — Chinua Achebe w/@jesusandsheabutterreads⁠
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'I would give Ikemefuna in "Things Fall Apart" a different trajectory. The deaths of beloved characters are like an angst you never get over. I guess that’s partly why the author wrote it that way, and why the stories linger.'⁠
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Have you read this book? What did you think of it? For more book recommendations, or to read more from this interview, click the link in our bio.⁠
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📝: Molara Wood⁠
#ReadSomethingAfrican #ChinuaAchebe #Nigeria

Today in 1983, Nigeria expelled two million undocu

Today in 1983, Nigeria expelled two million undocumented migrants. ⠀
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On 17 January 1983, President Shehu Shagari declared the expulsion of around two million undocumented West African migrants living in Nigeria, a majority of whom were Ghanaians. ⠀
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Having struck oil in 1958, Nigeria’s economy exploded in the 1970s when oil prices soared globally. The oil boom meant that jobs were abundant, especially in the services and construction sectors. During this time, many people from West Africa, particularly Ghana, relocated to Nigeria as economic migrants in search of better lives. ⠀
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Nigeria’s economic success, however, was cut short when oil prices plummeted in the early 1980s, leaving the country in an economic crisis. The government tried to stabilize the economy through austerity measures. Government officials blamed the deteriorating economy on the presence of undocumented immigrants, leading to their deportation. ⠀
The immigrants were given two weeks notice to leave the country, or risk being arrested and prosecuted. Many of them bought sturdy, checked bags to help them pack away from Nigeria. In West Africa, these bags are now known as 'Ghana Must Go' bags.⠀⠀
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A lot of criticisms were levied against Nigeria‘s action of expelling illegal aliens in 1983, with many raising a moral question on the timing of the event, due to the bad state of the Ghanaian economy at the time. The expulsion of Ghanaians from Nigeria has also been considered as retaliation for the deportation of Nigerians from Ghana in 1969, when the then Ghanian prime minister, Kofi Abrefa Busia, invoked the Aliens Compliance Order (ACO) and deported an estimated 2.5 million undocumented African migrants, the majority of whom were Nigerians, for reasons including economic concerns and xenophobia.⠀
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📝: Etashe, Editorial Assistant.⠀
📷: Michel Setboum / Getty Images

‘Africans will be the last to receive the COVID-

‘Africans will be the last to receive the COVID-19 vaccine.' #OnSite⚡⁠#RxCovid⁠
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In one of our most popular essays in 2020, PhD scholar, Francisco Perez, highlights the health and economic dilemmas most countries face in responding to Ebola and COVID-19. In a world driven by capitalism, what happens when saving lives is not a quick profit-making or GDP-increasing endeavour?⁠
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See West Africa's experience with Ebola. Perez explains that a team of Canadian researchers discovered the basic elements for an Ebola vaccine as early as 2003. But bureaucrats did not think such a vaccine was important. At the same time, the private sector did not consider the Ebola vaccine to be profitable. Citing Helen Branswell, Perez notes that ‘vaccines are estimated to cost in the neighbourhood of US$1 billion to develop. The pharmaceutical industry was not interested in making a product to protect against a disease that emerged only now and again in impoverished countries.'⁠
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According to Perez, ‘only after the largest outbreak of Ebola in 2014 was the Ebola vaccine fast-tracked for development. Eventually, the American pharmaceutical company, Merck, tested the vaccine in Guinea in 2015 and helped to end the epidemic… [But] how many west and central Africans would still be alive today if African governments had invested in medications to treat or prevent diseases of the poor like Ebola and malaria?' ⁠
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For Perez, the lesson from Africa's experience with Ebola is clear: ‘when a viable COVID-19 vaccine is developed, governments in countries with large pharmaceutical industries will prioritize their own populations. Africans will be the last to receive the vaccine.'⁠
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Do you agree with Perez? Are Africans unlikely to receive the COVID-19 vaccine on time? For more on this topic, click the link in our bio⁠.⁠
____________⁠
📝: Francisco Perez⁠
📷: COVID-19 testing in Madagascar. March 2020. Henitsoa Rafalia / World Bank

Congratulations @gushing_torrents on winning our f

Congratulations @gushing_torrents on winning our first prize! #RxDoSomething2020.
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Swipe left for @gushing_torrents's prize-winning impact story and photos.
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Thank you all for participating and sharing your stories with us. Keep following as we have more giveaway campaigns lined up for our most active followers!

Today in 1966, Aguiyi-Ironsi became the first Nige

Today in 1966, Aguiyi-Ironsi became the first Nigerian military head of state.
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On 16 January 1966, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi became the first Nigerian military head of state, following the 15 January 1966 military coup, which resulted in the end of Nigeria’s First Republic (1963-1966).
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The January 1966 coup, which was led by a group of army majors, (including Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Adewale Ademoyega, and Emmanuel Ifeajuna) resulted in the death of over 20 people, including the prime minister of Nigeria, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The coup was intended as a brief and temporary revolution to end corruption and ethnic rivalry, and further unify the country. However, the coup resulted in an ensuing chaos that led to Aguiyi-Ironsi becoming Nigeria’s head of state.
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Aguiyi-Ironsi is known for enacting the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966, which unified the civil service and abolished a number of cultural and ethnic organizations (like the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers state movement). The act of unifying the civil service, which was formerly confined to region-based recruitment, was meant to encourage the creation of a more multicultural government body where an easterner could be in charge of affairs in the west or a northerner in the east.⠀
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Aguiyi-Ironsi's military regime came to an end in July 1966, following his assassination in a counter-coup led by northern soldiers. His rise to power, policies, and assassination are cited as some of the factors that contributed to the Nigerian Civil War.⠀
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📝: Etashe, Editorial Assistant.
📷: Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi speaking at the first press conference of Nigeria's first military regime established in January 1966. Norman Potter / Hulton Archive / Getty

'Germany has never formally apologized for its Afr

'Germany has never formally apologized for its African holocaust.' #OnSite⚡⁠
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In one of our most popular essays in 2020, writer, Edwin Chege, discusses reparations as a pathway to justice for previously colonized African countries, and uses Namibia's harrowing experience of German colonization as a case study. ⁠
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According to Chege, Germany was ‘a leading industrial and economic power in Europe at the turn of the 19th century' that would go on to acquire South West Africa (Namibia) as a colony following the 1884 Berlin Conference.⁠
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Chege points out that the German occupation of Namibia was 'especially brutal'. According to Chege, between 1903-1908, the German military following an order by Lotha von Trotha, set out systematically to exterminate the Herero and Nama ethnic groups, following an uprising in Namibia against colonial rule. Chege describes the Namibian holocaust where the Herero ethnic group was forced into the Kalahari desert while German soldiers 'sealed the edges of the desert, poisoned water wells and erected guard posts to shoot surviving Herero on sight.' This, combined with other acts of imprisonment and sexual violence, 'saw approximately 100,000 Ovaherero and Nama perish'.⁠
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Chege argues that, even after achieving independence in 1990, Namibia has 'remained an unequal country' because colonial descendants still controlled the best of agricultural land in Namibia. Ultimately, Chege notes, that the 'Nama and Ovaherero groups learned a lesson that would become all too common in colonial Africa, that resistance to white rule and dominance would carry the threat of death and extermination.' Reparation after Namibian independence remains inconclusive as of 2020.⁠
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For more on this topic, click the link in our bio.⁠
____________⁠
📝: Edwin Chege ⁠
📷: Prisoners from the Herero and Nama tribes during the 1904-1908 war against Germany. Wikimedia Commons

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