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Nigeria’s World of Male Terror The Logic of Sexual Violence

August 10, 2020

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A New Doctrine? Understanding Russia and the New Scramble for Africa

August 7, 2020

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‘Let it Marinate.’ Molara Wood’s First Draft

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A magazine and platform centring Nigeria and Africa in the world’s most critical social, economic and political issues. #ReadSomethingAfrican
Click 👇

‘The Palmwine Drinkard’ — Amos Tutuola w/ @l

‘The Palmwine Drinkard’ — Amos Tutuola w/ @literanda⠀
⠀
‘The Palmwine Drinkard is so strangely beautiful and fantastic, it’s scary. It is a modern African spiritual science fiction fantasy. It is horror; comedy; mythology; mixed and matched in the most creative, fresh way. It doesn’t conform to the expectations of fiction and storytelling.’⠀
_⠀
Have you read this novel? What did you think of it? For more book recommendations, click the link in our bio.⠀
____________⠀
📝: Merlin Uwalaka⠀
#ReadSomethingAfrican #AmosTutuola #Nigeria

Today in 2012, the Marikana crisis began in South

Today in 2012, the Marikana crisis began in South Africa.
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On 10 August 2012, 3,000 miners at the Lonmin-owned Marikana platinum mine in South Africa initiated a wildcat strike action to demand for a wage increase. When the striking miners marched to solicit the support of the National Union for Miners (NUM), the NUM shot at them, fatally injuring two people.
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What followed was a long week of intense protests during which an initial four miners, two police officers, and two security guards died. On 16 August, the bloodiest day of the crisis, officers of the South African Police Service fired rounds of ammunition at a group of strikers. 34 miners lay lifeless and more than 78 had been wounded by the time the trigger fingers stopped.
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With many of the Marikana massacre casualties shot in the back while fleeing from the police, the crisis is often compared to the Sharpeville massacre of the apartheid era. It is also the bloodiest massacre in South African history since Sharpeville.
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Before he became the South African president, Cyril Ramaphosa, who had stakes in Lonmin, supported the use of violence in the Marikana crisis. Some South Africans still blame him for the Marikana massacre.
____________
📝: Adams x Ugonna, Editorial Interns
📷: Workers sit together on strike. Reuters/Landov

Leaders of striking miners walk away from a protest at the Lonmin mine near Marikana. Of the 44 people who died in the series of tragic events of August 2012, up to 37 were killed by the police. Denis Farrell/AP

Presidents of Guinea and Ivory Coast seek third te

Presidents of Guinea and Ivory Coast seek third terms.⠀
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Last week Thursday, Guinea’s ruling party nominated incumbent president, Alpha Condé, to contest for a third term in the October 2020 presidential election.⠀
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Condé came to power in 2010 and was re-elected in 2015 but his third term ambition—after a constitutional change to support his ambition—has sparked protests.⠀
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On the same day, prompted by the sudden death of his proposed successor, Amadou Gon Coulibaly, in July, Ivorian president, Alassane Ouattara has announced that he will stand for a third term in Ivory Coast’s October’s election.⠀
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Observers have decried both Condé and Ouattara’s decisions as a ‘setback’ to democracy in Africa.⠀
____________⠀
📝: Adams x Ugonna, Editorial Interns⠀
📷: Alassane Ouattara and Alpha Conde. Guinea Matin

Nigeria’s world of male terror. #OnSite⚡⁠
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In our latest online essay, writer, Joshua Segun-Lean, discusses the use of sexual violence as a strategy of social control in patriarchal societies like Nigeria.⁠
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Segun-Lean explains that male terror is not an anomaly but an organic part of societies like Nigeria. In such societies, assault and abuse by men against women are not random, instead they are manifestations of patriarchy.⁠
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According to Segun-Lean, the normalization of violence against women requires the participation of men who are socialized to be enforcers and beneficiaries of gendered violence. Men, Segun-Lean writes, ‘need women to be afraid in order to feel like men, and in order to be seen as men by other men.’⁠
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‘Male terror is a public health crisis whose terrible toll is impossible to know, and it is not indiscriminate in its effect,’ Segun-Lean argues. ‘Women are fighting for their lives,’ he says, ‘and if great, unpredictable and widespread anger from women animates this fight it is more than justified.’⁠
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Segun-Lean says, ‘The most enduring, pervasive and systemic force of terror in Nigeria is male terror.’ Do you agree? Let us know in our comments. For more on this topic, click the link in our bio.⁠
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📝 : Joshua Segun-Lean⁠
📷: Arne Hoel/World Bank

'Daughters Who Walk This Path' — Yejide Kilanko

'Daughters Who Walk This Path' — Yejide Kilanko w/ @henrietta.aina⠀
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#ReadSomethingAfrican #YejideKilanko #Nigeria

Today in 1960, South Kasai seceded from Congo.⠀

Today in 1960, South Kasai seceded from Congo.⠀
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On 09 August 1960, while the newly-independent Congo was embroiled in a different secessionist struggle with Katanga, South Kasai declared its own secession from Congo as a semi-independent state. The region called for members of its predominant ethnic group, the Baluba, across Congo to return to South Kasai. Although South Kasai did not outrightly reject Congolese sovereignty, it had its own constitution and postage stamps.⠀
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While South Kasai was funded by its diamonds and covertly supported by foreign powers like Belgium, trouble brewed locally and the state became increasingly repressive.⠀
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Hassled by the fact that South Kasai sat on railway junctions critical to its war against Katanga, troops of the Republic of the Congo, on orders from Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, advanced on South Kasai on 23 August. What followed was a massacre—the second UN Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjöld, described it as a genocide—that resulted in the deaths of about 3,000 civilians. The violence against South Kasai legitimized Patrice Lumumba’s deposition in 1960. Lumumba was eventually arrested and assassinated.⠀
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Lumumba’s persecution pacified South Kasai and preserved its relationship with Congo; South Kasai leaders even held positions in Congo. South Kasai maintained its quasi-independence until 1962 when it was reintegrated with Congo after numerous reconciliation attempts, a collapse of its internal politics and the eventual occupation of South Kasai by Congolese troops.⠀
____________⠀
📝: Adams x Ugonna, Editorial Interns⠀
📷: Military training centre at Kananga, capital of Kasai Occidental Province. 1970. Eliot Elisofon.

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